「中國人權」執行主任譚競嫦美國國會聽證會證詞（中/英）
2019年09月18日 8:58
| Chairman McGovern, Co-Chairman Rubio, and Members of the Commission, | 麥克高文主席，魯比奧聯席主席，各位委員會成員 |
| thank you for this hearing opportunity. It is an honor for me to stand in solidarity with the frontline activists. I want to thank the Commission members for their critical support for the Hong Kong people and leadership on the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act and the Protect Hong Kong Act. | 感謝您們舉行這場聽證會。我很榮幸能夠與前線活動家團結一致。我要感謝委員會成員對香港人的支持和引領《香港人權與民主法》和《保護香港法》。 |
| Over the past three months, the whole world has witnessed a historic David and Goliath standoff. Against all odds, the Hong Kong people are standing up to the powerful, authoritarian regime in Beijing. In this historic battle, they are not only fighting for the democratic future of 7.4 million Hong Kong people, but they also holding the regional and global frontline on preserving human dignity and rights for all people. | 在過去的三個月里，全世界目睹了歷史性的大衛和歌利亞的對峙。香港人排除萬難站到北京強大的獨裁政權面前。在這場歷史性的抗爭中，他們不僅為740萬香港人的民主未來而奮鬥，而且還在維護所有人的人格尊嚴和權利方面站在區域和全球前沿。 |
| The past 「summer of discontent」 is in fact part of years of ongoing resistance by Hong Kong people against Beijing』s encroachment on Hong Kong』s autonomy, rights, and freedoms. This peaceful resistance has included mass demonstrations against the proposed Article 23 security legislation (2003), against official brainwashing of the so-called patriotic education (2012), and against the gutting of promises of genuine universal suffrage (2014). After the clearance of the Occupy Central sites in December 2014, democracy activists left a promise inscribed on the concrete sidewalks – We will return. They have kept that promise. | 香港人多年來一直反對北京侵犯香港自治、權利和自由，而這個「躁動的夏天」實際上是這場抵抗運動的一部分。這種和平抵抗包括反對擬議的第23條安全立法（2003年）的大規模示威活動；反對官方洗腦的所謂愛國主義教育（2012年）；以及反對北京不守承諾，扼殺實現真普選（2014年）。在2014年12月佔領中環結束時，民主人士們在人行道上刻下了一句承諾 – 我們會再歸來。他們信守了這一承諾。 |
| Instead of Beijing』s hoped for movement fatigue, the protests are moving into the 15th week pressing for now five non-negotiable demands, supported by unflagging solidarity and broad participation of diverse sectors of Hong Kong society. The out-of-control lawless actions of the Hong Kong police have only provided mobilization fuel for Hong Kong people to 「add oil.」 | 北京預期運動會因曠日持久而敗陣，但結果不如北京預期，由於香港社會各界的不懈團結和廣泛參与，抗議活動正在進入第15周，抗爭者的五大訴求也絕不退讓。香港警方失控的無法無天行為，只為香港人添加了「加油」的動員燃料。 |
| As Chairman Mao said: 「Whereever there is suppression, there will be resistance!」 The Communist Party of China leadership understands and fears this, as highlighted by Xi Jinping』s ramped up invocation of Cultural Revolution 「struggle」 (douzheng 鬥爭) terminology. |
正如毛主席所說：「哪裡有壓迫，哪裡就有反抗！」 中國共產黨領導層對此十分清楚並且懼怕，由習近平近日反覆重提文革語言、不斷強調 「鬥爭」，即可見一斑。 |
| What actions can the international community and, specifically the U.S. government, take to further support Hong Kong people in what will clearly be a long struggle? | 國際社會，特別是美國政府可以採取甚麼行動，進一步支持香港人這場長期鬥爭？ |
| We need to first address the tensions that were baked into the One Country, Two Systems framework, perhaps making One Country into One System an inevitable outcome. Taiwan』s President Tsai Ing-wen』s takeaway from the current political crisis in Hong Kong hits the nail on the head—not only is One Country, Two Systems not a viable model for Taiwan, but the Hong Kong example proves that dictatorship and democracy cannot co-exist. | 我們首先需要解決一國兩制框架中的緊張局勢，在此框架下也許一國一制將是不可避免的結果。台灣總統蔡英文對香港當下的政治危機之見解一針見血——莫說是「一國兩制」不是台灣的可行模式，香港的例子證明獨裁和民主根本不能並存。 |
| Rule of law and why it matters | 法治及其重要性 |
| An independent functioning rule of law is essential to protecting rights and preserving Hong Kong』s promised autonomy. However, glaring rule of law deficits in the mainland 「rule the country by law」 approach (aside from the obvious fact it is not a rule of law) have implications for Hong Kong』s rule of law. | 獨立運作的法治對於保護港人權利和維護北京承諾的香港自治至關重要。然而，大陸「依法治國」明顯不是法治，「依法治國」會影響到香港的法治。 |
| ? First, the mainland Chinese state Constitution and numerous high-level policy pronouncements legitimize the principle that subordinates law to the leadership of the Party. Anyone who challenges or is perceived to challenge the Party』s leadership or disagrees with its policies or criticizes 「Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era」 (now also enshrined in the state Constitution) runs the risk of criminal prosecution, including for inciting subversion or subversion of state power that carry potential heavy prison sentences. The reintroduction of Article 23 security legislation in Hong Kong will inevitably carry the imprints of the Party』s concept of national security. | 首先，中國大陸憲法和眾多高層政策將從屬法律中對效忠共產黨領導的原則進行合法化。任何挑戰或被認為挑戰黨的領導或不同意其政策或批評「習近平關於中國特色社會主義新時代的思想」（現在也載入憲法）的人都有被起訴的風險，包括煽動顛覆或顛覆國家政權，而面臨被判處重刑。在香港重新引入的第二十三條安全立法，必然會印上黨對國家安全定義的讀解。 |
| Notwithstanding the fact that independence is clearly not one of the five demands of the protests, Beijing』s invocation of terrorism, splittism, and separatism (China』s 「three evils』 approach」) is also building a foundation for the reintroduction of Article 23 security legislation. | 儘管港獨顯然不是抗爭的五大訴求之一，但北京援引恐怖主義，分裂主義和分離主義（中國的「三邪」套路）也為重新引入第二十三條安全立法奠定了基礎。 |
| ? Second, the demand for complete loyalty to the Party from not only Party members, but also from judges, lawyers, teachers, media workers, and every sector of society, guts the independence of the legal profession and media, —two key pillars for ensuring a rule of law. But Hong Kong is not the mainland—yet. Despite efforts like the proposed Hong Kong national anthem law and forced loyalty requirements, loyalty, pride, and love cannot be legislated. | 第二，北京不僅要求黨員對黨的絕對忠誠，還要求法官、律師、教師、媒體工作者和社會各界對黨的絕對忠誠，這破壞了法律專業和媒體獨立，而法律專業和傳媒是確保法治的兩個關鍵支柱。但香港暫時還不是大陸。就如透過在香港提出國歌法和強制效忠所要求的一樣，忠誠，自豪和愛無法以立法達到目的。 |
| ? Third, the Party has expanded its control beyond the administrative branch (where Party committees are already installed in government organs at all levels) to the legislative and judicial organs. Most recently, on September 10, 2019, a Central Inspection Group of the Party announced that in addition to its inspection tours of the Supreme People』s Court, Supreme People』s Procuratorate, and Ministry of Justice, it would also work inside the SPC, SPP, and MOJ for two months. Party control of Hong Kong via the Macao Hong Kong Liasion offices is now more direct and public. | 第三，黨已將控制範圍從行政部門（在各級政府機關已有黨委）擴大到立法和司法機關。最近，在2019年9月10日，該黨的中央檢查組宣布，除了對最高人民法院、最高人民檢察院和司法部進行考察之外，它還將在最高人民法院、最高人民檢察院和司法部內進行工作兩個月。黨通過中央人民政府聯絡處辦事處對香港的控制現在更加直接和公開。 |
| It is not surprising then that Hong Kong people, foreign business and the international community were alarmed by the prospect of being subjected to such a 「rule the country by law」 system—one also marked by rights violations including torture and abuse in detention, forced disappearance, televised confessions, and criminalization of and crackdowns on legitimate exercise of rights. | 香港人、外國企業和國際社會對這種所謂「依法治國」甚為警惕，而由於上述原因，使我們不會對他們的反應感到驚奇——這種制度的另一個特點是其對人權的侵害，包括酷刑和虐待、被迫失蹤、電視懺悔、以及對合法行使權利的刑事定罪和鎮壓行為。 |
| In addition, developments in Hong Kong have contributed to undermining its long- established rule of law and eroding public faith and confidence in the government, the legal system, and law enforcement, including: | 此外，近期香港的幾個發展都在破壞香港長期以來的法治，削弱公眾對政府、法律制度和執法的信心和信念，包括： |
| ? Selective arrests and politicized prosecution of protesters, high profile democracy activists, and legislators, and the imposition of disproportionately heavier sentences related to misuse and application of the Public Order Ordinance. | 選擇性逮捕和政治起訴抗爭者、知名民主活動家和立法會議員，以及誤用《公安條例》施加與濫用重刑。 |
| ? Police acting with impunity trampling on rights to peaceful assembly, expression and freedom from torture, ill-treatment or abuse. Police misconduct includes use of excessive force in violation of international standards, refusal to show ID cards or other official identification, and increasing reports of torture, abuse, or delay in providing medical attention and restriction to access to lawyers. We see evidence of this impunity every day, in video after video. | 警察肆無忌憚地踐踏和平集會、自由言論、免遭酷刑、虐待及折磨的權利。警方的不當行為包括違反國際標準使用過度武力，拒絕出示委任證或其他官方身份證明，以及增加酷刑、虐待或延遲提供醫療服務和限制律師協助。我們每天都會看到有證據表明這種有罪不罰的現象。 |
| ? The use of 「decoy」 undercover police disguised as protestors (initially denied by the authorities), to conduct surveillance, sow distrust, and then participate in crowd control actions and conducting arrests. | 使用「誘餌」卧底警察偽裝成抗爭者（最初被當局否認），進行監視、分化，然後參与人群控制行動和對示威者進行逮捕。 |
| ? Concerns regarding the role of mainland police and security forces in cooperation with the Hong Kong police: For example, in August 2018, the People』s Daily announced the establishment of the Greater Bay Area Police Cooperation Mechanism, among Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macao. Part of or related to this mechanism, the Guangdong』s Public Security Department (gongan ting公安廳）has conducted training of key Hong Kong police personnel in Guangdong. | 對有大陸公安和武警部隊與香港警方合作的憂慮：例如，2018年8月，《人民日報》宣布在廣東、香港和澳門建立大灣區公安合作機制。與此機制有關的廣東省公安廳（公安廳）已在廣東省培訓被重點提拔的香港警務人員。 |
| ? Concerns regarding potential infiltration by or use of mainland security or police forces on Hong Kong territory have also been generated by contested videos and reports of use of putonghua or phrases not commonly used by Hong Kong people such as comrade (tongzhi, 同志) and mismatches between a visible police badge belonging to a female officer worn by a male officer. | 對內地武警或公安在香港境內可能滲透或執勤的擔憂，部分有爭議的視頻顯示，有香港警察使用普通話或「同志」等香港人不常用的普通話或短語。也有人見到有香港警察錯用警察徽章，男性督察使用女性督察的徽章。 |
| ? The Notice of No Objection has granted the police the legal tool to clamp down on any peaceful protests. Therefore, Hong Kongers face the ridiculous situation where the police can deny application for a letter of no objection filed by a group for a peaceful assembly to protest police violence. More importantly, this misuse of the procedure undermines the right to peaceful assembly under international standards by imposing unduly restrictive administrative requirements on the exercise of the right. | 警方以是否發出「不反對通知書」作為法律手段，打擊任何和平抗議。因此，香港人面對這樣一種荒謬的情況，即警察可以拒絕一個團體提出的反對警察暴力的和平集會。更重要的是，這種濫用程序的做法破壞了在國際標準下和平集會的權利，對行使這項權利施加了過分限制性的行政要求。 |
| Instead of addressing the rampant police violence and misconduct and misuse of law that is fueling public anger and protests, the Chief Executive has maintained a hard-line echoing Beijing』s law and order rhetoric and economic priorities. She has refused to establish an independent commission of inquiry as demanded by the protesters and in fact recommended by the UN Human Rights Committee in 2013 in addition to its recommendation that there be training for the police. Instead, she is relying on a toothless IPCC fact-finding study exercise, that is woefully inadequate in terms of independence, credibility and even competency. | 行政長官沒有解決猖獗的警暴、不當行為和濫用法律等引起公眾憤怒和抗議的問題，反而以北京的「止亂制暴」辭令和經濟優先作回應。她拒絕按照抗議者的要求建立一個獨立的調查委員會。事實上，聯合國人權事務委員會在2013年建議，除了建議對警察進行培訓外，也建議成立獨立的警察調查委員會。相反，她依靠沒有甚麼權力的監警會進行調查，其在獨立性、可信度甚至能力方面都嚴重不足。 |
| Why the UN and international human rights standards must be defended | 為甚麼必須捍衛聯合國和國際人權標準 |
| China』s aggressive activism at the UN is undermining international standards, weakening existing human rights mechanisms and processes, and restricting the participation of independent civil society voices. This cuts Hong Kong people (as well as human rights defenders in mainland China, and Tibetan and Uyghur communities) from the key international platform available to press for accountability for human rights abuses by China. Instead of the West』s hoped-for convergence, China is not only not playing by the rules; it is also vocally and persistently asserting a set of relativist criteria that it alone can unilaterally apply. A Chinese official stated at conclusion of China』s 2013 UPR: 「What I want to emphasize is that whether the shoes fit, only the person knows. On the human rights situation of China, the people who are most qualified to speak are the people of China.」 | 中國在聯合國的侵略性行為正在破壞國際標準、削弱現有的人權機制和程序、限制獨立民間社會的聲音。這令香港人（以及中國大陸、西藏和維吾爾族的維權人士）可用於推動追究中國侵犯人權行為的重要國際平台越來越少。中國不僅沒有遵守西方所希望的趨向，也不僅沒有遵守規則，反而是大聲和持久地提出一套相反的、只適用其本身的標準。一位中國官員在聯合國對中國2013年的普遍定期審議結束時表示：「我想強調的是鞋子是否合身，只有這個人知道。關於中國的人權狀況，最有資格發言的人是中國人民。」 |
| In addition to its disinformation campaign, including the egregious use by China Daily on 9/11 of a photo depicting the destruction of the World Trade Towers to warn of terrorist attack by Hong Kong protesters, Beijing is advancing a narrative of violence to frame the Hong Kong protests that is echoed uncritically by international community. Within this frame, the Hong Kong police, protected in full tactical gear, armed with rubber bullets, guns, tear gas, pepper spray, and batons, wielding the coercive power of the state is presented as one 「side」 of escalating violent clashes with civilian protesters. Hence calls for 「both sides」 to de-escalate that deflects attention away from police accountability for its excessive use of force in violation of international standards, and its complicity with non-state violence, such as the triad-related attacks in Yuen Long. | 中共推出一連串虛假宣傳，包括《中國日報》在9月11日對一幅描繪世界貿易大廈遭到破壞的照片的失實使用，藉此警告香港抗爭者是恐怖分子。另外，北京正在猛推一套說法，她們將香港的示威活動描述成一個關於暴力的故事，在國際社會上受到廣泛批判。在這個論述中，擁有全面戰術裝備的保護、裝備有橡膠子彈、槍支、催淚彈、胡椒噴霧和警棍、具有國家的強大力量的香港警察，被視為暴力衝突升級的一「方」，而平民抗爭者則是另一「方」。因此，呼籲「雙方」降級，以此分散人們對一系列警方濫權事件的注意力——包括警方違反國際標準、使用過度武力的責任、以及與非國家暴力的共謀，例如元朗與黑社會有關的襲擊。 |
| More importantly, the narrow violence narrative framing of the situation on the ground is erasing or marginalizing (intentionally) the proliferation of diverse creative and peaceful protest actions by Hong Kong people such as: | 更重要的是，對當地局勢的狹隘暴力論述正在消除或有意地邊緣化香港人備具創意的和平抗爭行動，例如： |
| ? Students are participating in class-boycott actions, forming a 「human chain」 of joined hands, shouting slogans across different campuses, and singing 「Do You hear the People sing」 during opening ceremony for the academic year when the Chinese national anthem was played. The motto of the school is 「Live to Learn, Learn to Live.」 | 學生們正在參与集體抵制行動，形成一個聯手的「人鏈」，在不同的校園裡喊口號，並在中國國歌演奏的學年開幕式上唱「Do You hear the People sing」。該校校訓是「生命在於學習，學會生活」。 |
| ? Elderly citizens—「silver-hair」 volunteers—have organized 「protect the children」 actions or marched to support younger protesters. | 年長的「銀髮族」志願者組織「守護孩子」行動及遊行支持年輕的抗議者。 |
| ? Hong Kong people of all ages and backgrounds sing together in malls, streets, metro stations, in neighborhood gatherings,「Glory to Hong Kong,」 all shared on proliferating viral videos. And Christians sing 「Sing Hallelujah to the Lord」 during marches and assemblies. | 所有年齡和背景的香港人在商場、街道、地鐵站、鄰里聚集，一起高唱「願榮光歸香港」，大家將各種視頻擴散開。在遊行和集會期間，基督徒唱Sing Hallelujah to the Lord。 |
| ? A young child leads a call and response —香港人，加油 (Hong Kong people, add oil!) —from a flyover as the stream of marchers pass below. | 一個小孩從天橋上帶領大家向橋下的遊行隊伍叫口號 – 香港人，加油！ |
| ? Since August, tenants in Hong Kong』s residential estates shout out their windows every night at 10 p.m. protests slogans with calls and responses echoing across different neighborhoods in Hong Kong. | 自八月起，香港市民每晚晚上10點都會打開窗戶喊出示威口號，他們發出的震耳呼聲響徹各個社區。
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| ? During the 「Hong Kong Way」 human chain formed by over 200,000 people stretching over 60 km (37 miles) across the city on August 23, citizens climbed up to the iconic Lion Rock, their cellphones forming an unending line of light in the dark night. | 8月23日，20多萬市民組成60多公里（37英里）的「香港之路」人鏈，有人爬上了標誌性的獅子山，他們的手機在漆黑的夜晚形成無窮無盡的光芒。 |
| ? Since late June, Lennon Walls have appeared all over Hong Kong, in almost every district, and also in communities globally, including Japan, Canada, U.S., U.K., and Australia. | 自6月下旬以來，連儂牆幾乎遍布香港各地，以及全球各地的社區，包括日本、加拿大、美國、英國和澳大利亞。 |
| ? Last Friday was Mid- Autumn Festival: A bakery shop in Sai Wan made mooncakes with protest slogans in support of Hong Kong citizens and anti-extradition movement. | 上周五是中秋節：西環的一家麵包店製作印有抗議口號的月餅，以支持香港市民和反修例運動。 |
| ? In typical creative humorous Hong Kong fashion, Hong Kongers are creating art, such as miniature figurines of protesters, with a life-like accurate details or a Hong Kong version of a Goddess of Democracy. | 香港人以典型的香港幽默風格創作藝術品，如手工細緻的抗議者微型雕像，或香港版的民主女神。 |
| This is what is happening on the ground. Hong Kong people are practicing democracy and exercising their freedoms for as long as possible. Hong Kongers are making the road by walking it. That is the real revolution already underway. | 這就是實地發生的事情。香港人正盡其所能貫徹民主和自由的權利。香港人正在一步一步踏出一條血路。這是一場已然發生的真正革命。 |
| Thank you again for convening this hearing. I look forward to your questions. |
再次感謝您召集本次聽證會。我期待著你的提問。 |
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（由於時間關係，現場發言內容非提供予國會報告的完整版本）
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